Europe Communism

On the morning of August 13, 1961, the residents of East Berlin found themselves cut off from family, friends, and jobs in the West by a tangle of barbed wire that ruthlessly split a city of four million in two. Within days the barbed-wire entanglement would undergo an extraordinary metamorphosis: It became an imposing 103-mile-long wall guarded by 300 watchtowers. A physical manifestation of the struggle between Soviet Communism and American capitalism that stood for nearly 30 years, the Berlin Wall was the high-risk fault line between East and West.

In 1871, the Franco-Prussian War was raging. The workers of Paris, fed up with a government that had begun the hated war, and the exploitation, repression, and abuse of "their" government, took matters into their own hands. They instituted the Paris Commune - of, by, and for the workers. Observing these events through news reports of the time, one of the foremost thinkers of the 19th century, Karl Marx, made three speeches to the International Workmen's Association.

For more than 40 years, communism held eight European nations in its iron fist. Yet by the end of 1989, all of these nations had thrown off communism, declared independence, and embarked on the road to democracy.

East Germany only existed for a short 40 years, but in that time, the country’s secret police, the Stasi, developed a highly successful “church department” that - using persuasion rather than threats - managed to recruit an extraordinary stable of clergy spies. Pastors, professors, seminary students, and even bishops spied on colleagues, other Christians, and anyone else they could report about to their handlers in the Stasi.

In the aftermath of Germany's defeat in World War I and the failed November Revolution of 1918-19, the conservative government of Bavaria identified Jews with left-wing radicalism. Munich became a hotbed of right-wing extremism, with synagogues under attack and Jews physically assaulted in the streets. It was here that Adolf Hitler established the Nazi movement and developed his anti-Semitic ideas. Michael Brenner provides a gripping account of how Bavaria's capital city became the testing ground for Nazism and the Final Solution.

Emma Goldman was initially supportive of Russia’s Bolshevik revolution. This 1918 pamphlet was published in elucidation of the revolution and in justification of the Bolsheviks. Goldman reversed her opinion in the wake of the Kronstadt rebellion and denounced the Soviet Union for its violent repression of independent voices.

¿Por qué se creían los bolcheviques con derecho a imponer a todos su idea de sociedad y a asesinar a los que la rechazaban y incluso a los que no llegaban a hacerlo? Esta es la gran cuestión del siglo que el mundo lleva a cuestas desde que Lenin tomó el poder: ¿por qué los comunistas se creen legitimados para robar y matar en nombre de una utopía que apenas esconde su afán de poder ilimitado?

The Spanish military coup of 1936 was launched to overturn the social and economic reforms of the democratic Second Republic, and its educational and cultural challenges to the established order. The consequent civil war was fought in the interests of the landowners, industrialists, bankers, clerics and army officers whose privileges were threatened. However, a central justification for a war that took the lives of around 500,000 Spaniards was that it was being fought to combat an alleged scheme for world domination by a non-existent ‘Jewish-Masonic-Bolshevik Conspiracy’.

Revolution and Counter-Revolution is a book by Friedrich Engels, with contributions by Karl Marx. The book is an account of the 1848 riots in various German states. Events in Austria and Prussia are discussed, along with the role of the Poles and Czechs and Panslavism.

Cambridge spy Guy Burgess was a supreme networker. He also set a gold standard for conflicts of interest, working variously for the BBC, MI5, MI6, the War Office, the Ministry of Information and the KGB. Yet Burgess was never challenged by Britain's spy catchers: his superiors were convinced he was too much of a liability to have been recruited by Moscow. Now, with a major new release of hundreds of files into the National Archives, Purvis and Hulbert reveal just how this charming establishment insider was able to fool everyone for so long.

I tiden mellem de to verdenskrige spiller Skandinavien en hovedrolle for kommunistiske undergrundsaktiviteter med global rækkevidde. Med legale og illegale metoder dirigerer og kontrollerer magthaverne i Moskva den kamp, der skal udvide revolutionen i Rusland til intet mindre end en verdensrevolution. Fra Københavns små lejligheder over Stockholms smalle gader til det vindblæste Nordnorge eksisterer en underverden af mænd og kvinder, søfolk og akademikere, der målrettet arbejder på at forsvare Sovjetunionen og realisere deres ideal om en anden verden.

Considering the suspicions, jealousies, bigotry, and crass opportunism inherent whenever one power occupies another, Golden Ghetto: How the Americans and French Fell in and out of Love During the Cold War pieces together an improbable tale of how fear and skepticism were crushed by trust and friendship.

"Le Front populaire a changé concrètement la vie des gens. Pas de grands théâtres comme sous la Révolution française, pas de grands moments susceptibles de grandes fresques sous le pinceau d'un David, mais des petites choses. Des petites choses qui permettent à Jean Renoir ou à Fernand Léger de mettre en scène ou montrer les congés payés. C'est-à-dire des gens qui partent à bicyclette, en tandem et qui pour la première fois de leur vie découvrent la mer". Michel Onfray.

Una lectura imprescindible para descifrar los orígenes de la guerra en Ucrania y la frágil situación de Europa del Este.

In 1955, Katharine Clark, the first American woman wire reporter behind the Iron Curtain, saw something none of her male colleagues did. What followed became one of the most unusual adventure stories of the Cold War. While on assignment in Belgrade, Yugoslavia, Clark befriended a man who, by many definitions, was her enemy. But she saw something in Milovan Djilas, a high-ranking Communist leader who dared to question the ideology he helped establish, that made her want to work with him. It became the assignment of her life.

Tra i fondatori del Partito Comunista d'Italia, Antonio Gramsci trascorse gran parte della propria vita politica da recluso, accusato di marxismo e antifascismo. Il 25 aprile 1937, nel giorno in cui sarebbero state sospese le misure di detenzione nei suoi confronti, Gramsci venne colpito da un'emorragia cerebrale, rimanendo semiparalizzato. Morì due giorni dopo, lasciandosi alle spalle un numero di quesiti irrisolti e testimonianze contraddittorie.

Tema fra i più spinosi e discussi nella storia dell'Ilalia repubblicana, il rapporto tra il Pci e l'Unione Sovietica negli anni della guerra e del primo dopoguerra è affrontato qui a partire da un'ampia documentazione di parte sovietica: soprattutto dai resoconti degli incontri di Togliatti e degli altri dirigenti del Pci con l'ambasciatore sovietico emerge un quadro stupefacente dell'allineamento del partito italiano agli obiettivi della politica estera sovietica.

Sono passati 35 anni dall'agonia, dalla morte, dai funerali di Enrico Berlinguer. In quei giorni l'Italia restò sospesa. E la morte di Berlinguer fu causa di dolore non solo per chi condivideva le sue idee, ma anche per chi le avversava. Questo audiolibro racconta le ragioni di quel dolore collettivo, ma soprattutto cerca di restituire ciò che di esemplare, unico, valido ancora e soprattutto oggi, resta dell'eredità politica del segretario del Partito comunista italiano. "Credo sia utile ritrovare oggi le idee di Enrico Berlinguer...".

"Ingrao mi riceve in un salottino, attorno a un tavolinetto basso. Lui mi sta seduto di fronte, in poltrona. Dialogando con lui sulla sua esperienza di pensare e fare il Comunismo avevo l'impressione che quel che diceva fosse meno di quel che pensava e viveva. Sentivo una passione a monte del suo discorso, che il discorso smorzava e riduceva a semplici parole. Sto dicendo che, in un certo senso, chi ha vissuto tutta una vita per fare il comunismo, contrae un'esperienza che in un tempo non comunista non è dicibile e non è comunicabile."

La vita della sezione e i suoi tipi umani, la diffusione militante dell'Unità, il rito del congresso, i vezzi e la retorica del dibattito politico. Una nostalgia ragionata del Partito comunista italiano e lo spietato contrappunto con la sinistra di oggi. Attraverso storie, personaggi, aneddoti divertenti, Novelli smonta le false verità sul partito scomparso nel 1991, ma non chiude gli occhi davanti alle questioni critiche, prima fra tutte il rapporto con l'Unione Sovietica e i paesi del socialismo reale.