Government Philosophy

Anarcho-capitalism is the most exciting social philosophy of modern times. But how does it work? This book illuminates the ethical system at the heart of anarcho-capitalism. It builds the nonaggression principle from praxeological foundations and develops techniques for applying it to real world conflicts. It explores the edges of libertarianism to show where it shines and where it fails.

The Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels was published in London in 1848 in its original German, and two years later in English. It was commissioned by the Communist League and takes an analytical approach to the class struggle and the conflicts of capitalism. The Communist Manifesto summarizes the theories of Marx and Engels on the nature of society and politics, claiming that the history of all societies is a history of class struggles. It also touches on their ideas of how the capitalist society of the time would eventually be replaced by socialism.

Es el tratado sobre estrategia más famoso del mundo, que se ha convertido en un libro de culto en el ámbito de la empresa. Varias películas ambientadas en Wall Street han contribuido a popularizar este pequeño libro, que nos propone unos principios válidos tanto en el mundo de la estrategia militar como en el de los negocios o la política. A pesar de su antigüedad, se trata de un libro extremadamente moderno, que ayudará a reflexionar sobre cualquier tipo de problema.

Post-modernity is the creative destruction that has shattered our present times into fragments. Post-modernism stood for everything modernism rejected: fun, exuberance, irresponsibility. But beneath its glitzy surface, post-modernism had a dirty secret: It was the fig leaf for a rapacious new kind of capitalism. It was also the forcing ground of the "post-truth", by means of which Western values got turned upside down. In his brilliant history of a dangerous idea, Stuart Jeffries tells a narrative that starts in the early 1970s and continues to today.

Mais qu'est-ce donc qu'une nation ? Pourquoi la Hollande est-elle une nation, tandis que le Hanovre ou le grand-duché de Parme n'en sont pas une ? Comment la France persiste-t-elle à être une nation, quand le principe qui l'a créée a disparu ? Comment la Suisse, qui a trois langues, deux religions, trois ou quatre races, est-elle une nation, quand la Toscane, par exemple, qui est si homogène, n'en est pas une ?

The Parkland school shooting was the most avoidable mass murder in American history. And the policies that made it inevitable have spread to your school....

Sólo sé que no sé nada. Pienso, luego existo. Todo lo sólido se desvanece en el aire. Dios ha muerto. Por medio de frases como esas, disparadores que estimulan el pensamiento, Darío Sztajnszrajber se propone sacar a la filosofía de los formatos que la hacen excluyente. Al hacerlo nos lleva a una conversación alucinada y alucinante con once ideas clásicas, tan pequeñas como para caber en un tuit y a la vez tan interminables como las búsquedas existenciales.

Common Sense by Thomas Paine is the most compelling case for freedom ever made. It's the most influential book in American History. It's not just a book for Americans but a case for humanity and it's ideas are as relevant today as ever. There's just one problem. Published in 1776 it was written in Old English and it could very well be another language for someone trying to read it today. The original manuscript is nearly impossible to understand. For the first time ever it's been translated into modern English so that everyone can consume it and understand it.

Ancient Greece first coined the concept of democracy, yet almost every major ancient Greek thinker - from Plato and Aristotle onward - was ambivalent toward or even hostile to democracy in any form. The explanation for this is quite simple: The elite perceived majority power as tantamount to a dictatorship of the proletariat. In ancient Greece, there can be traced not only the rudiments of modern democratic society but the entire Western tradition of antidemocratic thought.

In History and Utopia, Cioran the monster writes of politics in its broadest sense, of history, and of the utopian dream. His views are, to say the least, provocative. In one essay he casts a scathing look at democracy, that “festival of mediocrity”; in another he turns his uncompromising gaze on Russia, its history, its evolution, and what he calls “the virtues of liberty.” In the dark shadow of Stalin and Hitler, he writes of tyrants and tyranny with rare lucidity and convincing logic.

Marx started work on this book in January 1847, as can be judged from Engel's letter to Marx on January 15, 1847. By the beginning of April 1847, Marx's work was completed in the main and had gone to the press. On June 15, 1847, he wrote a short foreword. Published in Paris and Brussels in 1847, the book was not republished in full during Marx's lifetime. Excerpts from section five of Chapter Two appeared in different years, mostly between 1872-1875 in papers such as La Emancipacion, Der Volksstaat, Social-Demokrat, and others.

A new field of collective intelligence has emerged in the last few years, prompted by a wave of digital technologies that make it possible for organizations and societies to think at large scale. This "bigger mind" - human and machine capabilities working together - has the potential to solve the great challenges of our time. So why do smart technologies not automatically lead to smart results?

Urban violence is one of the most divisive and allegedly intractable issues of our time. But as Harvard scholar Thomas Abt shows in Bleeding Out, we actually possess all the tools necessary to stem violence in our cities. Coupling the latest social science with firsthand experience as a crime-fighter, Abt proposes a relentless focus on violence itself.

In this seminal work of political philosophy, Boétie asks one of the most obvious questions of political theory: Why is it that a minority of rulers can remain in power over a majority of subjects who pay all the taxes? The answer might be quite surprising to us all. The conclusion is that the people tend to enslave themselves, to let themselves be governed by tyrants. Liberty is the natural condition of the people. Servitude, however, is fostered when people are raised in subjection. It is we who enslave ourselves at the beck and call of "authority".

In this witty and mischievous book, philosopher Peter Cave dissects the most controversial disputes today and uses philosophical argument to reveal that many issues are less straightforward than we'd like to believe. Leaving no sacred cow standing, Cave uses ingenious stories and examples to challenge our most strongly held assumptions. Is democracy inherently a good thing? What is the basis of so-called human rights? Is discrimination always bad? Are we morally obliged to accept refugees?

In Parasites on Parade, Larken Rose (author of The Most Dangerous Superstition and The Iron Web) uses his own direct experiences with bureaucratic and judicial stupidity, intrusion, and corruption to illustrate why, everywhere and at all times, in every situation and at every level, government sucks! This snarky, flippant look at the mentality and tactics of various state busybodies also provides an important lesson regarding the true nature of political “authority,” and the problems and abuses it naturally creates.

What do anarchists want? It seems easier to classify them by what they don't want, namely, the organizations of the State, and to identify them with rioting and protest rather than with any coherent ideology. But with demonstrations like those against the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund being blamed on anarchists, it is clear that an explanation of what they do stand for is long overdue. Colin Ward provides answers to these questions by considering anarchism from a variety of perspectives....

This book explores the nature and essential role of hope in human life under conditions of oppression. Oppression is often a threat and damage to hope, yet many members of oppressed groups, including prominent activists pursuing a more just world, find hope valuable and even essential to their personal and political lives. Katie Stockdale offers a unique evaluative framework for hope that captures its intrinsic value, the rationality and morality of hope, and ultimately how we can hope well in the non-ideal world we share.

Para aqueles que não conhecem o trabalho de Nicolau Maquiavel, O príncipe pode parecer um manual abstrato para a conduta de um mandatário. Entretanto, este clássico da filosofia moderna, fundador da ciência política, é fruto da época em que foi concebido.

On Liberty is an 1859 philosophical treatise by the English philosopher John Stuart Mill (1806 - 1873) which applies an ethical system of utilitarianism to society and the state. Mill starts with a brief overview of the meaning of liberty and proffers his basic argument in favor of liberty for the individual, to the degree that it harms no one else. The value of liberty of opinion and liberty of action are set forth in two chapters.