Political Finance

Based on 18 months of reporting, Woodward's 17th book The Price of Politics is an intimate, documented examination of how President Obama and the highest profile Republican and Democratic leaders in the United States Congress attempted to restore the American economy and improve the federal government's fiscal condition over three and one half years. The Price of Politics addresses the key issue of the presidential and congressional campaigns: the condition of the American economy.

Ever since the Reagan era, Washington has been captured by a conservative economic agenda that has failed in every respect and that has long since lost any respect among serious economists. Finally, highly regarded economist James Galbraith presents a full-bore attack on the bankrupt economic policies of the Republican Party - and a much needed reality check on where to go from here.

Gerade vor Familiengerichten wird gelogen, dass sich die Balken biegen - und niemanden kümmert es. Norbert Blüms erste Vermutung, es handele sich bei den bekannten Fällen um Einzelfälle, bestätigte sich mit seiner genaueren Recherche nicht. Vielmehr ist von einem System auszugehen, denn die Vielzahl der Fälle zeigt: Die Wahrheit interessiert weder Richter, die allzu oft auf hohem Ross sitzen, noch Anwälte, die mit viel Geld das Recht nach Belieben verdrehen.

According to business reporter Charles Gasparino, President Obama is faking his outrage at Wall Street, and his calls for new policies to rein in banks that are "too big to fail" are just pabulum. In reality, Obama has climbed into bed with Wall Street CEOs, giving them what they want so they will support his liberal, big-government agenda.

This book examines one of the most important economic outcomes in American history - the breakdown of the Keynesian Revolution. Drawing on economic literature, the memoirs of economists and politicians, and the popular press, Eric Crouse examines how economic decline in the 1970s precipitated a political revolution. Keynesian thought flourished through the presidencies of Lyndon B. Johnson, Richard Nixon, and Gerald Ford, until stagflation devastated American workers and Jimmy Carter’s economic policies faltered, setting the stage for the 1980 presidential campaign.

Long before the advent of conservative talk radio and Fox News, Robert Ringer was an outspoken advocate for the cause of freedom and free enterprise. In this classic work - updated for the 21st century - Ringer's basic premise is that liberty must be given a higher priority than all other objectives.

Unsere Altersrücklagen sind das Kapital, mit dem BlackRock und Co. sich die Welt zum Untertan machen. Gigantische Finanzkonzerne beherrschen die Welt. Allein der Vermögensverwalter BlackRock überwacht Fonds und Vermögenswerte im Wert von 15 Billionen Euro und damit 10% des weltweiten Vermögens. Aber auch in anderen Schlüsselbranchen beherrschen riesige Monopolisten den Markt. Google, Facebook, Amazon agieren intransparent und meist gegen die Interessen der Gesellschaft.

If Europe is to return to an innovative and dynamic economy - and if there is to be shared prosperity, social solidarity, and justice - then EU countries need to break with their current, destructive trajectory. This volume offers concrete strategies for renewal that would also reinvigorate the project of European integration, with fresh ideas in the areas of both macroeconomics and microeconomics, including central banking, public investment, corporate governance and competition policy, social policy, and international trade.

A groundbreaking work of history about the American middle class - its rise, why it faltered, and who truly benefited from its dominance.

Throughout the 20th century, "free enterprise" has been a contested keyword in American politics, and the cornerstone of a conservative philosophy that seeks to limit government involvement into economic matters. Lawrence B. Glickman shows how the idea first gained traction in American discourse and was championed by opponents of the New Deal. Those politicians, believing free enterprise to be a fundamental American value, held it up as an antidote to a liberalism that they maintained would lead toward totalitarian statism.

How has the United States, with more resources than any nation, developed a healthcare system that delivers much poorer results, at near double the cost of any other developed country - such that legendary seer Warren Buffett calls the Medical Industrial Complex "the tapeworm of American economic competitiveness"?

Die Weltwirtschaft steht vor einer Zeitenwende: Asien ist dabei, endgültig die Vorherrschaft im globalen Wettbewerb zu übernehmen. Der Kontinent, auf dem über die Hälfte aller Menschen lebt, setzt sich als Technologiechampion an die Spitze - flankiert von den neuen Seidenstraßen, einem der ehrgeizigsten Infrastrukturprogramme in der Geschichte der Menschheit.

In a book that’s both accessible and enlightening, Rebecca Friedrichs recounts her 30-year odyssey as an elementary school teacher who comes face to face with the forces dividing and corrupting our schools and culture - state and national teachers’ unions. An exciting true story that features real-life testimonies of teachers, parents, and kids as well as political and social commentary, Rebecca’s journey leads her to the realization that the only hope for America’s schools and families is returning authority to parents and teachers while lessening the grip of state and national unions.

In light of the intertwining logics of military competition and economic interdependence at play in US-China relations, Trading with the Enemy examines how the United States has balanced its potentially conflicting national security and economic interests in its relationship with the People's Republic of China (PRC). To do so, Hugo Meijer investigates a strategically sensitive yet under-explored facet of US-China relations: the making of American export control policy on military-related technology transfers to China since 1979.

The free-market, limited-government development model has been an ecological and social disaster for the developing world. Sustainable and equitable development is only possible with the active involvement of a strong central state that can guide the economy, protect the environment, and prioritize meeting their people’s basic needs. In this sure-to-be-controversial audiobook, Chandran Nair shows that the market-dominated model followed by the industrialized West is simply not scalable.

Wer steckt hinter den Unternehmensgiganten aus China? Sie erobern die Weltmärkte, positionieren China als digitale Supermacht und prägen die entscheidenden Zukunftsindustrien. Gleichwohl wissen wir fast nichts über sie. Wie ticken Chinas Bosse? Wer steckt hinter den immer mächtigeren und aggressiven Unternehmensgiganten? Was sind das für Leute, die in Frankreich Weinberge und in Europa Fußballvereine oder Immobilien kaufen?

Europa steht vor seiner wohl größten Herausforderung seit Ende des 2. Weltkriegs. Wird die Rückkehr der Nationalstaaten zu neuen Kriegen in Europa führen? Was wird aus der jahrzehntelangen engen Verbindung zwischen den USA und Europa? Sind die Werte des Westens Vergangenheit? Stehen wir am Ende des transatlantischen Zeitalters? Wie konnte es überhaupt so weit kommen?

Low-level dishonesty is rife everywhere, in the form of exaggeration, selective use of facts, economy with the truth, careful drafting - from Trump and the Brexit debate to companies that tell us 'your call is important to us'. How did we get to a place where bullshit is not just rife but apparently so effective that it's become the communications strategy of our times? This brilliantly insightful book steps inside the panoply of deception employed in all walks of life and assesses how it has come to this.

A Ruling Class have emerged in America against the hopes and designs of our Founding Fathers. Over the last hundred years, they have rejected the Constitution and expanded their own power, slowly at first and now rapidly. These people believe their actions are justified, because they think they are smarter than the rest of us - so smart they can run our lives better than we can.

Born in Italy, University of Chicago economist Luigi Zingales witnessed firsthand the consequences of high inflation and unemployment - paired with rampant nepotism and cronyism - on a country’s economy. This experience profoundly shaped his professional interests, and in 1988 he arrived in the United States, armed with a political passion and the belief that economists should not merely interpret the world, but should change it for the better.