Social Revolution

Reform or Revolution, also titled Social Reform or Revolution? is an 1899 pamphlet by Polish-German Marxist theorist Rosa Luxemburg, in which she argues that trade unions, reformist political parties, and the expansion of social democracy would not create a socialist society as Eduard Bernstein, among others, argued. She contends from a historical materialist perspective that capitalism, being economically unsustainable, would eventually collapse.

Moderne Männlichkeit zerstört die Welt – doch der Feminismus kann uns retten. Mitreißend analysiert Laurie Penny die Krise der Demokratie, die Krise weißer Männlichkeit und die Rückzugsgefechte derer, die Angst vor Machtverlust haben. Angesichts einer Gesellschaft, die noch immer von Ausbeutung und Zwang geprägt ist, fordert Penny eine Kultur des Consent.

Die moderne Kultur wird zunehmend von Fragen und Antworten rund um die sexuelle Identität beeinflusst – ob im öffentlichen Diskurs oder bei kulturellen Trends. Jedes gesellschaftliche Phänomen hat seine historischen Wurzeln. Von Augustinus, über Rousseau bis hin zu Marx oder Freud sind unterschiedliche Auffassungen des Selbst vorgestellt worden. Im 20. Jahrhundert wurden diese Konzepte des Selbst nicht nur psychologisiert und eng mit der Sexualität verschränkt, sondern unter dem Einfluss von Leuten wie Reich, Marcuse und anderen ebenfalls zu einer politischen Angelegenheit gemacht.

In the history of American politics, there are few stories as enigmatic as that of Alexander Hamilton and James Madison's bitterly personal falling out. Together they helped bring the Constitution into being, yet soon after the new republic was born, they broke over the meaning of its founding document. Hamilton emphasized economic growth; Madison the importance of republican principles. Author Jay Cost is the first to argue that both men were right - and that their quarrel reveals a fundamental paradox at the heart of the American experiment.

Revered today for articulating America's founding principles, the first 10 amendments - the Bill of Rights - were in fact a political stratagem executed by James Madison to preserve the Constitution, the federal government, and the latter's authority over the states.

Beginning with the debate between Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton over the future of the nation and continuing through the Civil War, the New Deal, the Reagan Revolution, and Obama and the Tea Party, many pols have asked, "What would the founders do?" instead of "What is the common good today?" Recently both the right and the left have used the founders to sort through such issues as voting rights, campaign finance, free speech, gun control, taxes, and war and peace.

The Education of John Adams is the first biography of John Adams by a biographer with legal training. It examines his origins in colonial Massachusetts, his education, and his struggle to choose a career and define a place for himself in colonial society.

In The Varieties of Political Experience in Eighteenth-Century America, Richard R. Beeman offers an ambitious overview of political life in pre-Revolutionary America. Beeman uncovers an extraordinary diversity of political belief and practice. In so doing, he closes the gap between eighteenth-century political rhetoric and reality. Although the majority of people living in America before the Revolution would not have used the term "democracy," important changes were underway that made it increasingly difficult for political leaders to ignore "popular pressures".

Pulitzer Prize-winning historian Jon Meacham offers a collection of inspiring words about how to be a good citizen, from Thomas Jefferson and others, and reminds us why our country’s founding principles are still so important today.

Alexander Hamilton, a diferencia de muchos de los otros Padres Fundadores de los Estados Unidos, nació fuera del matrimonio y quedó huérfano a la edad de trece años después de la muerte de su madre. Fue arrojado al mundo, y terminó dependiendo de la caridad de amigos y vecinos.

John Adams once wrote, “People and nations are forged in the fires of adversity.” That was very much Adams’ experience. Having been born in the English colony of Massachusetts in 1735, he not only witnessed a new nation emerging from the shell of infancy, but he also participated in its growing pains. Adams was a man who was frequently asked to assume roles in which he had little experience, like that of a diplomat to France and England. In a sense, he was a part of the vanguard that the government had thrown into the fray.

Explore the captivating lives of the Founding Fathers. Eight captivating manuscripts in one audiobook. So if you want to learn more about the life of Founding Fathers, get this audiobook now!

The Framers’ Intentions connects political parties and the two-party system with the Constitution in a way that no previous account has, thereby providing a foundation for parties and a party system within American constitutionalism. This book will appeal to readers interested in political parties, constitutional theory, and constitutional development.

In the summer of 1775, a Virginia gentleman-planter was given command of a New England army laying siege to British-occupied Boston. With his appointment, the Continental Army was born. Yet the cultural differences between those serving in the army and their new commander-in-chief led to conflicts from the very beginning that threatened to end the Revolution before it could start. The key challenge for General George Washington was establishing the standards by which the soldiers would be led by their officers.

In the spring of 1778, General George Washington wrote to his friend Landon Carter about a rumored “disposition in the Northern officers to see me superseded in my command”. This was as candid a statement as the general ever made about the so-called “Conway Cabal” of patriot officers and politicians critical of his leadership.

The Federalist Papers is a series of 85 articles arguing in favor of ratification of the United States Constitution by the 13 original colonies. The Federalist papers were written in response to criticism of the Constitution. The articles were first published between October 1787 and August 1788 in newspapers and then published in book form in 1788. "Federalist No. 65" discusses the reasoning behind the choice of the Senate to conduct Impeachment trials. Hamilton is sanguine about the danger of political factions polarizing the proceedings.

"Federalist No. 66" is a continuation of the argument in "Federalist No. 65" for the Senate as the trial venue for impeachments. In No. 66, he addresses specific anti-Federalist objections in a series of four rebuttals. The issues addressed are: first, the concern that the Senate is encroaching on the powers of the courts; second, that the Senate itself may become too aristocratic; third, that impartiality may suffer when trying appointed officials previously approved by the same body....

A stunning revision of our founding document’s evolving history that forces us to confront anew the question that animated the founders so long ago: What is our Constitution? Americans widely believe that the United States Constitution was created when it was drafted in 1787 and ratified in 1788. But in a shrewd rereading of the founding era, Jonathan Gienapp upends this long-held assumption, recovering the unknown story of American constitutional creation in the decade after its adoption.

Washington’s End begins where most biographies of George Washington leave off, with the first president exiting office after eight years and entering what would become the most bewildering stage of his life. Embittered by partisan criticism and eager to return to his farm, Washington assumed a role for which there was no precedent at a time when the kings across the ocean yielded their crowns only upon losing their heads. In a different sense, Washington would lose his head, too.

Alexander Hamilton, unlike many of the other founding fathers of the United States, was born outside of wedlock and was an orphan at the age of 13 after his mother died. He was thrown into the world, depending on the charity of friends and neighbors. That perhaps is one of the reasons why Alexander Hamilton was fiscally sensitive and always anxious about funding and finance, not only for himself but for the new nation of the United States, where he emigrated when he was in his late teens.